Editorial Challenges Prosecution of Mother Han

South Korean editorial claims prosecution’s case uses unusually expansive interpretations of legal concepts and is influenced by social prejudice against a minority religion

The conservative Korean newspaper Segye Ilbo published on 10^th July 2026, an editorial on the court case against Hak Ja Han (한학자), the leader of the Family Federation for World Peace and Unification – in Korea, also known as Unificationism (통일교).

See also Mother Han: Beyond One Trial – the Wider Stakes

See also Mother Han: The Dangers of Guilt by Position

See also New Law, New Standards for Religious Reporting

See also U.S. Officials Investigating Korean Arrests

See also Mother Han Trial Echoing Communist Show Trial

See also Double Standard in Religion-Politics Probe?

The paper argues that the outcome should be decided solely on the basis of evidence and legal reasoning rather than public prejudice toward a minority religion. The editorial is clearly an opinion piece critical of the special prosecutors asking for a veritable “death sentence” for the octogenarian religious leader – 13 years behind bars. Hak Ja Han – also called Mother Han – turned 83 last February and has been kept in detention since September last year. During her stay in a tiny cell, her health has significantly deteriorated.

To understand the article, it is helpful to look at several Korean political and legal concepts that may not be familiar to international readers.

The immediate context is that special prosecutors investigating corruption allegations involving Kim Keon-hee (김건희), the wife of former South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol (윤석열), requested a 13-year prison sentence for Mother Han. According to the prosecution, she was involved in unlawful political funding and sought to influence the presidential office through intermediaries regarding matters affecting the Family Federation. Mother Han has denied all allegations.

The editorial criticizes the prosecution’s case, arguing that it reflects longstanding prejudice against what Koreans call a “minority religion” (sosu jonggyo, 소수 종교). In Korea, this expression does not simply mean a religion with relatively few members. It also carries the implication that such groups are often viewed with suspicion and are sometimes labeled as saibi (사이비), a word often translated as “cult”, “pseudo-religion”, or “heretical sect”. Although saibi is commonly used in everyday Korean, it is not a legal classification but a socially loaded and frequently pejorative term. The editorial argues that such attitudes have unfairly influenced both public opinion and the prosecution.

One of the prosecution’s most striking allegations is that Mother Han sought to achieve jeonggyo ilchi (정교일치), literally “the unity of politics and religion”. This phrase requires particular explanation because it has a much stronger meaning in Korean than the English expression “close church-state relations”.

Historically, jeonggyo ilchi refers to a political system in which religious authority and state authority are effectively united. The classic example is a theocracy, where religious leaders exercise supreme political power or where the state is constitutionally organized around a particular religion. The editorial cites Iran as an example because its Constitution establishes an Islamic political system headed by a Supreme Leader chosen from among senior Shi’a clerics.

The editorial argues that applying this concept to the Family Federation is implausible. Since the movement represents only a small percentage of South Korea’s population, the authors contend that it could not realistically aspire to establish a theocratic state. They further note that creating such a system would require constitutional amendments, making the accusation appear exaggerated. In the editorial‘s view, the prosecution has stretched the concept of jeonggyo ilchi beyond its ordinary meaning in order to make the charges appear more serious.

Another issue concerns the allegation that Mother Han sought political favors from associates of Kim Keon-hee(김건희). According to the editorial, the prosecution characterizes ordinary expressions of goodwill – such as asking public officials to “please support us” or “help us” – as illegal lobbying. The authors argue that these expressions are common forms of polite speech in Korean and do not necessarily imply an improper request for official action. They therefore suggest that the prosecution has adopted an overly broad interpretation of Korea’s anti-corruption laws.

The Segye Ilbo editorial also disputes allegations that Mother Han personally embezzled Family Federation funds. Here, the discussion turns to the organizational structure of religious corporations in Korea. Mother Han is described as the movement‘s “spiritual leader” rather than its financial administrator. According to the defense presented in court, administrative and financial decisions are handled by professional officials within the organization‘s world headquarters, while Mother Han provides religious guidance and overall vision.

The editorial argues that this division of responsibilities resembles the governance of many other religious organizations and that prosecutors have incorrectly treated the Family Federation as though it were an ordinary commercial corporation with direct executive control vested in its president.

Throughout the editorial runs a broader constitutional argument. The authors emphasize that freedom of religion is one of the fundamental rights guaranteed by South Korea’s Constitution, alongside freedom of conscience, freedom of expression, and privacy. They argue that constitutional equality before the law applies equally to both large and small religious communities. In their view, a religious organization should not face harsher treatment simply because it has relatively few adherents or because it is socially unpopular.

The editorial concludes by connecting Mother Han‘s case with a broader political debate taking place in South Korea. It refers to a proposed amendment to the Civil Act that critics have nicknamed the “Religious Corporation Dissolution Act”. The proposal would allow the government to revoke the legal status of religious corporations that violate the constitutional principle of separation between religion and the state by improperly intervening in politics.

Supporters argue that the measure would strengthen accountability and preserve political neutrality among religious organizations. The editorial, however, interprets the proposal very differently. It argues that the legislation could discourage religious leaders from speaking publicly on political or social issues, effectively silencing religious voices in public life. For that reason, the authors describe it rhetorically as an “anti-free speech law for religious organizations”, suggesting that it would have a chilling effect on constitutionally protected religious freedom.

Taken together, the editorial presents a consistent argument: that Hak Ja Han‘s prosecution reflects broader social prejudice against minority religions, that prosecutors have employed unusually expansive interpretations of legal concepts such as “unity of politics and religion” and political solicitation, and that courts should disregard public opinion and decide the case solely on the basis of evidence and established legal principles.

Whether or not one agrees with these conclusions, understanding the article requires appreciating the distinctive meanings that Korean legal and political terminology carries, as well as the country’s longstanding persecution of new religious movements and tendency once governing power changes hands, to harshly punish political opponents and anyone supporting them.

See also Mother Han: Beyond One Trial – the Wider Stakes

See also Mother Han: The Dangers of Guilt by Position

See also U.S. Officials Investigating Korean Arrests

See also Mother Han Trial Echoing Communist Show Trial

See also South Korea’s Slide Toward Authoritarianism

See also Hunting “Heretics”: Justice Minister Quoting Bible

See also Double Standard in Religion-Politics Probe?

See also Shocking Pretrial Detention of Faith Leader (95)

See also Should Democracies Have “Recognized Religions”?

See also New Law, New Standards for Religious Reporting

Text: Knut Holdhus, editor

Featured image above: Comparable fates: Jesus of Nazareth and Mother Han. Illustration: ChatGPT, 10^th July 2026

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