Example of 2 Unificationists in Public Service

Two South Koreans blessed in Family Federation marriage show outstanding historical example of serving one’s country and promoting peace

In order to understand modern South Korea, one must appreciate how deeply its national story has been shaped by war, division, ideological conflict, and rapid reconstruction. The Korean Peninsula was devastated by Japanese colonial rule (1910-1945), divided at the end of World War II, and then plunged into the Korean War (1950-1953), a brutal conflict that left millions dead and the country physically destroyed. What followed was not peace in a conventional sense, but a tense Cold War standoff between communist North Korea and capitalist South Korea. South Korea’s survival depended heavily on its alliance with the United States, while its internal politics were marked by instability, military intervention, and the urgent task of economic development.

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Against this dramatic backdrop, a Korean opinion piece by religious reporter Jeong Seong-su published in the daily newspaper Segye Ilbo on 20^th February reflects on the lives of two men – Han Sang-guk (한상국) and Bo Hi Pak (박보희 – 1930-2019) – who, in the author’s view, represent a particular model of cooperation between religious conviction and public service.

Both men were members of the Unification Church – now called the Family Federation for World Peace and Unification – a new religious movement founded in South Korea in the 1950s. At the same time, both served as military officers and later became involved in diplomacy and international cultural outreach. The article presents their lives as examples of what it calls “church-state cooperation” (정교협력 – 政敎協力): not the fusion of religious institutions with government power, but the idea that individuals motivated by faith can serve the nation in critical moments of history.

For readers unfamiliar with Korean politics of the 1960s, one key episode is especially important. In May 1961, Major General Park Chung-hee (박정희) led a military coup that overthrew South Korea’s fragile civilian government. At that time, the United States – South Korea’s principal ally – officially opposed military takeovers, creating uncertainty about whether Washington would support the new regime. South Korea was economically weak and militarily dependent on American assistance. If the United States refused to recognize Park’s government, the consequences could have been severe.

In November 1961, Park traveled to Washington, D.C., to meet U.S. President John F. Kennedy in the Oval Office. The future of the U.S.-South Korea alliance was effectively at stake. In high-level diplomacy, especially under tense conditions, language matters enormously. Subtle shifts in tone, nuance, and emphasis can influence political outcomes. Serving as interpreter between the two leaders was Lieutenant Colonel Han Sang-kuk (한상국). [See editor’s note below]

Although formally listed as a military interpreter, the Segye Ilbo article argues that Han’s role went far beyond technical translation. He was positioned between two heads of state at a delicate historical moment. According to the author, every word choice carried strategic weight. In such circumstances, the interpreter is not merely relaying language; he is mediating political meaning. The article portrays Han as someone who combined professional military discipline with personal religious conscience, suggesting that his faith strengthened his sense of responsibility.

Following this meeting, the United States effectively accepted Park’s government, and American military and economic assistance continued – support that proved crucial to South Korea’s later development.

The opinion piece traces Han’s later career to reinforce this theme. After his military service, according to official Korean Ministry of Foreign Affairs records, he became South Korea’s ambassador to Norway from June 1976 to November 1980. Later, he held leadership positions in major media organizations, including The Washington Times and Segye Ilbo. While his titles changed – from soldier to diplomat to media executive – the author argues that his fundamental mission remained the same: to safeguard national interests and promote the U.S.-Korea alliance during the Cold War.

The second figure highlighted in the column, Bo Hi Pak, is presented as a complementary example. Like Han, he had a military background and was affiliated with the what is now called the Family Federation. Han Sang-kuk was with his wife Lim Byeong-sook one of the 33 couples who had their marriage blessed by Father Moon and Mother Han in 1961. So were Bo Hi Pak and his wife Yoon Gi-sook.

Pak’s story intersects with another pivotal moment in Korean and American history: the presidency of Dwight D. Eisenhower.

During the 1952 U.S. presidential campaign, Eisenhower famously declared, “I shall go to Korea,” signaling his determination to resolve the ongoing Korean War. After winning the election, he visited the Korean front lines before even taking office. In 1953, his administration helped bring about the Korean Armistice Agreement, which halted active fighting. Later that year, the United States and South Korea signed a mutual defense treaty that formalized their long-term security alliance – an agreement that remains the cornerstone of South Korea’s national defense today.

More than a decade later, in 1965, Bo Hi Pak organized a performance in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, by the “Little Angels,” a Korean children’s dance troupe associated with the Family Federation. The performance took place at Eisenhower’s home. The symbolism was powerful: children from a country once devastated by war were performing traditional Korean dance before the American leader who had helped secure the armistice and formalize the alliance. The article interprets this as a moment of “civilian diplomacy”, in which cultural expression reinforced political friendship.

Bo Hi Pak continued this approach in subsequent years. He helped arrange performances by the Little Angels at the White House during Richard Nixon’s presidency and before Queen Elizabeth II in the United Kingdom. Through music and dance rather than military agreements, he sought to deepen international goodwill toward South Korea. The author describes this as building a bridge of “soft power” on top of the “hard power” foundation created by military alliances and treaties.

For a non-Korean reader, the broader argument of the opinion piece centers on the relationship between religion and public life. Modern democratic systems, including South Korea’s, are built on the principle of separation of church and state. Governments are not supposed to favor a particular religion, and religious institutions do not formally control political authority. The author acknowledges this principle clearly.

However, the column distinguishes institutional separation from personal conviction. While the state must remain neutral, the individuals who operate within it inevitably bring their beliefs and moral frameworks to their work. The author argues that faith, in the cases of Han Sang-kuk (한상국) and Bo Hi Pak (박보희), did not undermine democracy but rather fortified their sense of duty. In this interpretation, religious belief served as an inner source of integrity, courage, and commitment during moments of national crisis.

The article does not call for theocratic governance or the merging of religious institutions with political authority. Instead, it highlights historical episodes in which individuals shaped by religious faith played influential roles in diplomacy and cultural outreach. By revisiting these examples, the author suggests that religious values can coexist with democratic governance, provided that formal institutional boundaries are respected.

In essence, the column presents Han Sang-kuk as the “voice” of diplomacy during a decisive Cold War meeting and Bo Hi Pak as a pioneer of cultural diplomacy who expanded South Korea’s international presence through the arts. Together, they are portrayed as figures who navigated war, ideological conflict, and global politics with both military professionalism and religious conviction.

For readers outside Korea, the piece offers insight into how some Koreans interpret their nation’s rise from wartime devastation to global prominence. It frames that transformation not only in terms of economic policy and military alliances, but also in terms of personal belief, moral commitment, and what the author sees as constructive cooperation between faith and public service.

See also Scholar’s Journey: She Gave Up Academia for Faith

See also: Educational Legacy: Character Before Achievement

See also Indictment Language Challenged by Defense

See also A Story of Reconciliation in A Divided Korea

See also Uncovering the Truth Behind 1982 Moon Trial

See also The Gospel of Service in One Woman’s Life

See also Architect of Seongnam Ilhwa’s Amazing Success

Text: Knut Holdhus, editor 

Featured image above: Han Sang-guk (left), ca. 1985, and Bo Hi Pak (right) in 1978. Photo: FFWPU

[Editor’s note: There was a U.S. press photograph from 14^th November 1961 showing “Lt. Col. Sanguk Han, Korean interpreter” seated between President John F. Kennedy and General / Chairman Park Chung-Hee during Park’s visit to the White House following the May 1961 military coup. This caption appears in the archival photo record (AP / Alamy), confirming the existence of a Korean military officer by that name serving as an interpreter at that summit.]

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