Today the Family Federation, Tomorrow a Temple?

Today Family Federation tomorrow a temple

Japan’s religious double standard under scrutiny as Buddhist priest warns of dangerous precedent for all faiths set by today’s dissolution of the Family Federation

Shindo Mizuta
Buddhist priest Shindō Mizuta (水田真道). Photo: Bitter Winter

Continued from Buddhist Priest Warns Japan ‘Cult’ Ban Risks All

Religion and politics: is there a double standard?

Bitter Winter
Logo of Bitter Winter, the world’s leading online magazine on religious liberty and human rights.

As pointed out by Dr. Massimo Introvigne in his Bitter Winter article 21st July, the question of political connections also concerns Buddhist priest Shindō Mizuta (水田真道).

See also Zen Head: “FFWPU Case A Warning to All Religions”

See also Mistrust of Religion: State Persecuting Minority

See also Large Zen Group: “Dangerous Precedent Set”

See also Japan: FFWPU Case Signals Dangerous State Power

The Family Federation has been criticized for its historical connections with politicians of Japan’s Liberal Democratic Party. In a video conversation with literary critic Eitaro Ogawa (小川榮太郎), Mizuta does not deny that religious organizations and political actors can have relationships. Instead, he asks whether such relationships are being judged consistently.

Henoko, Nago, Okinawa
Henoko District, Nago City, Okinawa Prefecture, Japan. Photo: Kugel-commonswiki / Wikimedia Commons. License: CC ASA 4.0 Int

He refers to an incident involving protest boats off the coast of Henoko in Nago City on the southern island of Okinawa, near a US military base. One of the boat captains was a pastor associated with the United Church of Christ in Japan, while another had previously been a candidate for the Japanese Communist Party.

For Mizuta, the question is therefore not whether religion and politics ever intersect. They plainly do. The question is whether such interaction is being treated as inherently problematic only when it involves a particular religious movement.

He worries that Buddhist priests themselves may sometimes repeat accusations against the Family Federation without sufficiently examining the principles underlying those accusations. In his view, religious leaders should be particularly careful about participating in collective condemnation.

What would dissolution mean for a Buddhist temple?

Perhaps the most powerful part of Mizuta’s argument comes when he considers what would happen if the same kind of dissolution order were directed against Kongoji Temple, where he is chief priest.

A court-appointed liquidator could potentially take control of the temple’s assets. These would not merely consist of abstract financial holdings. They could include the temple buildings, land, bank accounts, ritual clothing and ceremonial implements. Residents of the temple could potentially lose their homes.

This is particularly significant because Japanese temples are often simultaneously religious institutions and family residences. A dissolution could therefore affect not only the organization but also the priest and his family.

Mizuta explains that more than 80 percent of Kongoji’s activities involve wakes and funerals conducted in the main hall. If the temple were prevented from operating normally, these religious services could no longer be performed. The priest could lose his position and become unable to carry out funerals for members of the surrounding community.

In other words, dissolution could effectively mean the destruction of the temple as a functioning religious institution.

Kongoji Temple
The Kongoji Temple where Shindō Mizuta is chief priest, in Shizuoka, Japan. Photo: Bitter Winter 

This thought experiment is central to Mizuta’s warning. The question is not whether Kongoji is currently threatened with dissolution. It is whether a legal mechanism capable of producing such consequences for one religious community could eventually be applied to another.

A modern “Purple Robe Incident”?

Mizuta compares the present controversy with the Purple Robe Incident of the Edo period, when the shogunate in 1627 intervened in disputes concerning religious authority and the appointment and recognition of Buddhist priests. Zen master Takuan Sōhō (沢庵 宗彭 – 1573–1645) and others opposed the government’s interference.

Mizuta sees the present situation as a possible modern equivalent – a “Purple Robe Incident” today. He therefore asks why more religious leaders are not speaking out when the state intervenes so extensively in the affairs of another religious organization.

Eitaro Ogawa
Literary critic Eitaro Ogawa (小川榮太郎). Photo: Bitter Winter

Ogawa shares this concern. He questions whether a dissolution process should have consequences extending into such fundamental religious activities as conducting funerals. He also argues that if historical conduct can be scrutinized selectively across long periods of time, authorities could theoretically find reasons to investigate almost any religious tradition.

Both men are also concerned about the role of the media. Ogawa describes what he calls “information magic”: the ability of repeated reporting to amplify certain narratives while making other perspectives almost invisible. In particular, he argues that the voices of people who identify themselves as victims can receive extensive attention, while believers who remain committed to their religious community may receive much less.

A warning that goes beyond the Family Federation

The significance of Mizuta’s intervention therefore lies less in defending every action of the Family Federation than in raising a constitutional and religious-liberty question: What limits should exist on state intervention in religious organizations?

For supporters of the Family Federation, the dissolution order is naturally experienced as a direct attack on their own religious community. Mizuta asks the broader question of what happens when the same principle is normalized.

A Buddhist temple, a Christian denomination, a new religious movement or another faith community may differ radically in theology and organization. Yet all depend upon some degree of protection from arbitrary state interference if freedom of religion is to have substantive meaning.

Mizuta and Ogawa ultimately appeal to religious leaders to look beyond denominational boundaries. Their argument is that solidarity should not depend on whether one approves of another religion. Precisely because religious communities differ, they need principles that protect them all.

From this perspective, the Family Federation case is not merely about the fate of one controversial religious organization. It is also a test of how far the Japanese state may go in determining which religious communities are entitled to exist as functioning institutions – and, consequently, of what religious freedom will mean in Japan in the future.

See also part 1: Buddhist Priest Warns Japan ‘Cult’ Ban Risks All

Text: Knut Holdhus, editor

Featured image above: The dissolution order reaching temples. Illustration: ChatGPT, August 2026.

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