When Probes Risk Becoming Collective Judgment

Jeong Seong-su on probes

Probes by special prosecutors, religious freedom, and media coverage: Where accountability ends and collective blame begins

Segye Ilbo
The logo of the Segye Ilbo

Religious affairs correspondent Jeong Seong-su (정성수) wrote an opinion piece for the South Korean daily Segye Ilbo headlined “The ‘Unification Church Special Prosecutor’ Is Nothing to Fear”. It was published on 22nd December.

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Since President Lee’s own party was drawn into lobbying claims, two weeks ago, South Korean politics has become increasingly focused on the possible appointment of a special prosecutor to investigate alleged ties between the Family Federation and political power.

Yoon Yeong-ho
Yoon Yeong-ho, here 9th August 2020. Screenshot from video by FFWPU

Because of certain claims by former Federation leader Yoon Yeong-ho, what initially appeared to be partisan rhetoric has now solidified into a near certainty. Politicians across the ideological spectrum have publicly invoked phrases such as “church-state collusion”, “illegal political funding”, and “influence peddling”. Even the presidential office has indicated openness to the investigation. At this point, the political momentum behind the special prosecutor appears irreversible.

Reporter Jeong emphasizes in his article that amid the intensity of the political debate, an essential question risks being overlooked: What, exactly, is the target of this investigation? Is it intended to hold specific individuals accountable for concrete unlawful acts, or is it drifting toward putting an entire religious movement on trial in the court of public opinion? This distinction matters profoundly, not only for the Family Federation but for the health of democratic governance itself.

In democratic societies, investigations into corruption or abuse of power are both legitimate and necessary. According to the Segye Ilbo, when political authority, financial resources, and social influence intersect in opaque or improper ways, rigorous scrutiny is a form of institutional self-correction. However, democracies are also built on clear limits ‒ limits that define who may be investigated, on what grounds, and with what protections. The danger arises when those limits blur and suspicion expands from individual wrongdoing to collective blame.

1948 Constitution of Republic of Korea
The Constitution of the Republic of Korea. Here, the first version enacted in 1948. Photo: NZ 토끼들 / Wikimedia Commons. License: CC ASA 4.0 Int

South Korea’s constitution, like those of many Western democracies, enshrines two principles that must coexist: the separation of religion and state, and the freedom of religion. These principles are often misunderstood as being in tension with one another. In fact, they are mutually reinforcing. The separation of church and state is not designed to suppress or marginalize religion, but to prevent political power from exploiting religious belief for its own ends. At the same time, freedom of religion protects individuals and communities from being targeted or penalized simply because of their faith.

The concern raised in the article by Jeong Seong-su is that much of the political language surrounding the proposed special prosecutor has begun to frame the Family Federation itself ‒ not merely particular actors within it ‒ as a suspect entity. When an entire religious organization is casually described as a “political intervention group” or the central player in a scandal, democratic norms are placed under strain.

Revival of stereotypes, Whore of Babylon
Stereotyping Catholics as trying to take over the world. Here, a colored version of the “Whore of Babylon” illustration from Martin Luther’s 1534 translation of the Bible. The term refers to both a symbolic female figure and a place of evil as mentioned in the Book of Revelation of the New Testament. She is described more fully in Revelation 17:5 as “Mystery, Babylon the Great, the Mother of Harlots and Abominations of the Earth”. Leading reformers like Martin Luther, John Calvin, and John Knox taught that the figure represented the Catholic Church. Author: From the workshop of Lucas Cranach. Public domain image.

In Western historical memory, such generalizations evoke uncomfortable precedents, where religious minorities became convenient symbols of broader political anxieties.

If evidence exists that unlawful political donations were made, or that certain individuals engaged in improper exchanges with those in power, then accountability should be clear, narrow, and personal. Responsibility in democratic legal systems attaches to actions taken by identifiable individuals, not to religious labels or group affiliations. To suggest otherwise ‒ to imply that millions of ordinary believers must bear suspicion or social stigma simply because they share a religious identity ‒ amounts to a form of collective punishment. Such an approach undermines the presumption of innocence and risks normalizing discrimination.

The human consequences of this shift in tone should not be underestimated. When religious organizations are publicly framed as politically suspect, ordinary believers often pay the price. People begin to question whether they should conceal their faith at work, in schools, or within their local communities. They may face subtle exclusion, reputational harm, or open hostility, despite having no connection whatsoever to political decision-making or financial misconduct. From a democratic perspective, this outcome is deeply troubling.

The article also raises a broader critique of political behavior itself. It asks whether politics truly acts as a guardian of democratic pluralism or whether it treats religion instrumentally ‒ embracing it when useful and discarding it when expedient. When religion is viewed primarily as something to be “managed”, “controlled”, or sacrificed during moments of political crisis, it ceases to function as a space of conscience and moral conviction. Instead, it becomes another tool within the machinery of power.

Tunnel opening
Advancing ambitious ideals and large-scale infrastructure visions: Here, from a proposed tunnel between South Korea and Japan: the entrance to the exploratory shaft in Karatsu on the southern island of Kyushu, Japan. Photo: International Highway Foundation

For decades, the Family Federation has publicly advanced ambitious ideals, including national reconciliation, global peace, and international cooperation in the post-Cold War era. Its activities ‒ such as promoting international conferences, unofficial diplomacy, or large-scale infrastructure visions ‒ are undeniably controversial and invite debate. In pluralistic societies, such debate is not only acceptable but healthy. However, controversy alone does not constitute criminality. To retroactively reinterpret all such initiatives as mere profit-seeking schemes or political lobbying efforts risks erasing the sincerity of belief that motivates many participants.

As the special prosecutor process moves forward, the political environment is likely to become even more polarized. Progressive and conservative factions may weaponize the issue against one another, with little incentive to protect a religious organization that offers no clear electoral advantage. In such a climate, the Family Federation risks becoming politically isolated ‒ criticized by one side as an object of reform or eradication and used by the other merely as a tactical device. Neither posture offers genuine protection.

Given this reality, Jeong’s article argues that seeking salvation through political alliances is neither realistic nor wise. Instead, the most durable source of protection lies in principles rather than personalities. Constitutional guarantees, legal standards of individual responsibility, the presumption of innocence, and established human-rights norms form institutional barriers that are harder to erode than political goodwill. These are the same safeguards that protect any religious or ideological minority when public sentiment turns hostile.

The conclusion drawn is both pragmatic and normative. The Family Federation, rather than searching for powerful patrons, should insist on clear boundaries: investigations may proceed, but accountability must remain individual; faith itself must not be criminalized; and no precedent should be set in which an entire religion is sacrificed to satisfy political pressure. Governments change, administrations come and go, but democratic dignity depends on upholding these limits consistently.

Ultimately, the argument is not a plea for immunity, but a defense of democratic discipline. In moments of political turbulence, the true test of democracy lies not in how aggressively it pursues suspicion, but in how faithfully it preserves principles. Holding fast to those principles, the article suggests, is the most sober and dignified path forward ‒ not only for the Family Federation and its believers, but for the integrity of democratic society as a whole.

See also Climate of Suspicion: Peace Reframed as Politics

See also Escalation in Probe: 13-Hour Police Questioning

See also Some Religions Are Welcome in Politics, Some Not

See also Response to “Pilgrimage by Ferry” Media Claims

See also Fact-Based Clarification of Media Misreporting

See also Advisory Fees Misrepresented in S. Korean Media

Text: Knut Holdhus, editor

Featured image above: A quote from religious affairs reporter Jeong Seong-su (정성수) in Segye Ilbo 22nd Dec. 2025. Photo (2025): Segye Ilbo

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